Conciliation was what William Pitt, the Earl of Chatham, wanted Parliament to entreat the colonies with as 1775 dawned. His Provisional Act was introduced to the House of Lords on 01 February, 1775. The Provisional Act, if it had been accepted by Parliament, might have deterred the war that was brewing because it was intended to allow the British Government to retain a general sovereignty over the colonies while empowering them with certain rights such as the right to levy their own taxes. The Provisional Act contained the following clauses: 1.) official recognition of the Continental Congress, 2.) a pledge by the Parliament that no revenues would be levied against the colonies without the expressed consent of the provincial assemblies, 3.) the recognition, by America, of Parliament as the "supreme legislative authority and superintending power", 4.) agreement on the part of the colonies to levy, collect and submit a revenue for the crown. It might be noticed that the Provisional Act was similar in certain respects to Galloway's Plan of Union. The House of Lords rejected the Provisional Act. Thus ended the elder William Pitt's political career; The Provisional Act was the last attempt he made to convince Parliament that war should be averted.

   Despite the failure of Pitt to convince Parliament to pass the Provisional Act, Lord Frederick North submitted, on 20 February, 1775, a plan of his own. This plan called for Parliament to desist from levying any type of regulatory taxes upon any American colony whose own assembly would agree to tax itself for the support of its own defense and civil government. The primary argument the colonial assemblies had with being governed by Parliament was with the issue of being taxed to provide the support for the British army stationed in the colonies. This plan of Lord North, while still insisting that the colonies pay for the maintenance of the army (through their own tax levies), at least carried with it the promise that no additional taxes would be levied. The House of Commons agreed to endorse the plan.

   On the same day that Lord North's plan was introduced, 27 February, the New England Trade And Fisheries Act, the bill that would become popularly known as the New England Restraining Act, was introduced to Parliament. This act forbade the New England colonies to trade with any nation other than Britain. The ban on trade would take place on 01 July and then on 20 July the second part of the bill the barring of New England fishermen from the North Atlantic fisheries would take effect. The debate over this act continued over a span of a couple months. On 22 March, Edmund Burke, the Dublin born secretary of Lord Rockingham, delivered an impassioned speech to Parliament pleading for reconciliation with the colonies. The substance of Burke's address called for Parliamentary sovereignty over the colonies only with their consent. Burke attempted to point out that such a relationship would be found to be economically beneficial to both sides. Despite the passion of the arguments presented by individuals such as Burke in efforts to ward off armed conflict through some sort of conciliation, the Restaining Act was passed and received theroyal approval on 30 March, 1775.

   During the debate on the New England Trade And Fisheries Act, aimed specifically at New England, word was received at London of the ratification of the Continental Association by the thirteen colonies. On 19 March Lord North introduced another bill to extend the scope of the act to include the southern colonies. On 13 April, 1775, the provisions of the act were extended to apply to Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia and South Carolina.

   Charles Manners, the Marquis of Granby, delivered a address to Parliament on 05 April, in an attempt to halt the flood of anti-colonial sentiment that the North ministry was advocating. In that speech he declared

"In God's name, what language are you now holding out to America! Reƒign your property, diveƒt yourƒelves of your privileges and freedom, renounce every thing that can make life comfortable, or we will deƒtroy your commerce, we will involve your country in all the miƒeries of famine; and if you expreƒs the ƒenƒations of men at ƒuch harƒh treatment, we will then declare you in a ƒtate of rebellion and put yourƒelves and your families to fire and ƒword..."

   A day after the Restraining Act was extended to include the whole of the American colonies General Thomas Gage received a letter sent on 27 January from William Legge, the 2nd Earl of Dartmouth, who was the Secretary of State for the colonies. The instructions Gage received ordered him to implement the Coercive Acts with force.

   On the North American Continent the storm clouds were amassing although the news of the debates in London had not yet reached the colonial ears. On 26 February British troops landed at Salem with the intention of seizing the military supplies stored there. As word spread through the colonies, the provincial assemblies met to discuss their options. On 23 March, 1775 Patrick Henry delivered his famous "Liberty or Death" speech to the Virginia House of Burgesses.

   Although there is some question as to the authenticity of Patrick Henry's address to the Virginia Convention of 1775, it contains the most often recited phrase of the American Revolutionary War. The full text of that speech, as quoted by William Wirt, in his book, Life Of Henry, is as follows.

"Mr. Preƒident: It is natural to man to indulge in the illuƒions of hope. We are apt to ƒhut our eyes againƒt a painful truth - and liƒten to the ƒong of that ƒyren, till ƒhe tranƒforms us into beaƒts. Is this the part of wiƒe men, engaged in a great and arduous ƒtruggle for liberty? Are we diƒposed to be of the number of thoƒe who, having eyes, ƒee not, and having ears, hear not, the things which ƒo nearly concern their temporal ƒalvation? For my part, whatever anguiƒh of ƒpirit it may coƒt, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worƒt, and to provide for it.
 
"I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the paƒt. And judging by the paƒt, I wiƒh to know what there has been in the conduct of the Britiƒh miniƒtry for the laƒt ten years, to juƒtify thoƒe hopes with which gentlemen have been pleaƒed to ƒolace themƒelves and the houƒe? Is it that inƒidious ƒmile with which our petition has been lately received? Truƒt it not, ƒir; it will prove a ƒnare to your feet. Suffer not yourƒelves to be betrayed with a kiƒs. Ask yourƒelves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with thoƒe warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies neceƒsary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we ƒhown ourƒelves ƒo unwilling to be reconciled that force muƒt be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourƒelves, ƒir. Theƒe are the implements of war and ƒubjugation - the laƒt arguments to which kings reƒort. I aƒk gentlemen, ƒir, what means this martial array, if its purpoƒe be not to force us to ƒubmiƒsion? Can gentlemen aƒsign any other poƒsible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, ƒir, ƒhe has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are ƒent over to bind and rivet upon us thoƒe chains which the Britiƒh miniƒtry have been ƒo long forging. And what have we to oppoƒe them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the laƒt ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the ƒubject? Nothing. We have held the ƒubject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we reƒort to entreaty and humble ƒupplication? What terms ƒhall we find which have not been already exhauƒted? Let us not, I beƒeech you, ƒir, deceive ourƒelves longer.
 
"Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the ƒtorm which is now coming on. We have petitioned - we have remonƒtrated - we have ƒupplicated - we have proƒtrated ourƒelves before the throne, and have implored its interpoƒition to arreƒt the tyrannical hands of the miniƒtry and parliament. Our petitions have been ƒlighted; our remonƒtrances have produced additional violence and inƒult; our ƒupplications have been diƒregarded; and we have been ƒpurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after theƒe things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wiƒh to be free - if we mean to preƒerve inviolate thoƒe ineƒtimable privileges for which we have been ƒo long contending - if we mean not baƒely to abandon the noble ƒtruggle in which we have been ƒo long engaged, and which we have pledged ourƒelves never to abandon until the glorious object of our conteƒt ƒhall be obtained - we muƒt fight! - I repeat it, ƒir, we muƒt fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hoƒts is all that is left us!
 
"They tell us, ƒir, that we are weak - unable to cope with ƒo formidable an adverƒary. But when ƒhall we be ƒtronger? Will it be the next week or the next year? Will it be when we are totally diƒarmed, and when a Britiƒh guard ƒhall be ƒtationed in every houƒe? Shall we gather ƒtrength by irreƒolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual reƒiƒtance by lying ƒupinely on our backs, and hugging the deluƒive phantom of hope, until our enemies ƒhall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper uƒe of thoƒe means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cauƒe of liberty, and in ƒuch a country as that which we poƒseƒs, are invincible by any force which our enemy can ƒend againƒt us. Beƒides, ƒir, we ƒhall not fight our battles alone. There is a juƒt God who preƒides over the deƒtinies of nations; and who will raiƒe up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, ƒir, is not to the ƒtrong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Beƒides, ƒir, we have no election. If we were baƒe enough to deƒire it, it is now too late to retire from the conteƒt. There is no retreat but in ƒubmiƒsion and ƒlavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boƒton! The war is inevitable - and let it come! I repeat it, ƒir, let it come!
 
It is in vain, ƒir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, "Peace! peace!" - but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that ƒweeps from the north will bring to our ears the claƒh of reƒounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why ƒtand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wiƒh? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace ƒo ƒweet, as to be purchaƒed at the price of chains and ƒlavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what courƒe others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!"